The True Face of Marja’iyyah Authority

It is historically well-established that the Shiite Marja’iyyah (religious authority) in Najaf, alongside Shiite religious parties, has been a central force in Iraq’s post-2003 devastation, pervasive corruption, and political, economic, and cultural decline. This responsibility mirrors that of the Kurdish leadership, often criticized for its divisive and self-serving policies, as well as the so-called Sunni leadership, which has eagerly pursued agendas promoting federalization and partition, furthering Iraq’s fragmentation. Rather than taking a neutral stance after 2003, the Marja’iyyah engaged directly, using its influence over politicized platforms to endorse sham elections, supporting a sectarian agenda confined to its sphere of influence.

The Marja’iyyah not only advocated for a sectarian Shiite alliance to consolidate power but went so far as to issue religious decrees mandating a “yes” vote on a flawed constitution, one that essentially sanctioned the dismantling of Iraq. Over time, the pervasive corruption in Iraq became evident as a systemic issue rather than merely the actions of certain individuals, a system the Marja’iyyah itself supported both formally and informally. The problem extended beyond corrupt politicians to the political system as a whole, which operates with a flawed approach, a deeply entrenched mentality, and a misguided vision and methods.

As public discontent grew, the Marja’iyyah of Sistani sought to distance itself, placing blame on select corrupt parties and individuals, not from an authentic commitment to reform but rather as a strategic move to avoid accountability. The criticisms voiced in Friday sermons were not intended to catalyze real change; instead, they were efforts to contain the situation, tempering public demands with superficial reforms while preventing calls for a full dismantling of the political class. The Marja’iyyah’s underlying fear is that people might demand an end to the entire corrupt political class on which it relies to uphold its influence and guardianship.

In framing the issue as one of corrupt individuals rather than a fundamentally flawed system, the Marja’iyyah diverts attention from its own role in sustaining the status quo. The apparent contradiction of Sistani’s Marja’iyyah, claiming neutrality while wielding immense political influence, reflects its deeply sectarian undertones, often cloaked in generalizations to protect its own political and financial interests. The religious authorities in Najaf and Qom recognize that a strong Iraqi national identity would diminish their power and weaken sectarian allegiances. They understand that a genuine national uprising, led by truly patriotic leaders, would dismantle the sectarianism that they have encouraged.

Given its actions since 2003, the Marja’iyyah has not earned its current political standing. The Iraqi people need a thorough reassessment of the Marja’iyyah’s role and history to limit its influence, so it no longer obstructs the nation’s aspirations and potential for unity and progress.

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