Protest and demonstration are fundamental human rights, allowing individuals to express their opinions. As long as these actions remain peaceful, they should not be restricted or denied. A true democracy cannot exist without opposition or the peaceful rotation of power. No individual, no matter their strength, can hold onto power forever. Unfortunately, the corrupt government of the Kurdistan Region has recently dealt another blow to freedom of expression in Iraq by killing, arresting, and torturing hundreds of peaceful protesters. These demonstrators were simply calling for the payment of delayed salaries and an improvement in the region’s deteriorating living conditions. The events unfolding in Sulaymaniyah are no different from those occurring daily in Baghdad, Nasiriyah, Basra, and elsewhere. The same issues, the same motivations, and the same outcomes. It is the same anger that drives the masses to seek justice against corrupt ruling parties, and the same cruelty used to suppress demonstrators with batons, tear gas, and, ultimately, live ammunition. The recent protests in the region have led to the deaths of at least 10 individuals, including a 16-year-old boy, while more than 65 others have been injured. In response, a curfew was imposed, travel between cities in Sulaymaniyah was restricted, journalists were harassed, the internet was shut down, and social media platforms were blocked.
The root cause of the current crisis lies in the power struggle between the two dominant political parties in the Kurdistan Region: the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP), led by Masoud Barzani, and the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK), led by the sons of the late Jalal Talabani. Both parties have consolidated their control over the region’s natural resources and financial revenues to fund their political agendas. They have monopolized high-paying public sector jobs for their supporters, while maintaining full control over investment projects in both the public and private sectors. Sulaymaniyah province has felt the brunt of these disturbances due to its political diversity, strong opposition to the PUK’s influence, and the rampant corruption that exceeds even the other provinces in the region. This corruption is exacerbated by mafias that impose taxes on investors and businessmen, demanding a share of their profits.
The financial crisis, compounded by years of political mistakes, has fueled anger on the streets of Kurdistan. While the central government in Baghdad has been lenient in transferring salaries to the region, these funds have not been distributed regularly. The Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) has failed to meet its obligations, including the payment for the sale of at least 250,000 barrels of oil per day to the Iraqi National Oil Company. This is due, in part, to long-term agreements with Turkish companies and significant financial commitments. Accusations from Sulaymaniyah against the Erbil government regarding lack of transparency in managing these matters are serious. Where do the oil revenues go? What are the terms of the agreements with Turkish companies? How many employees work in Erbil, and do they face the same struggles as those in Sulaymaniyah? These are some of the many questions and accusations raised, especially regarding the issue of double salaries in Erbil, which are far higher than those in other parts of the region. The government of Masrour Barzani refuses to submit accurate lists to the Ministry of Finance in Baghdad to resolve the salary issue definitively.
The worsening living conditions in the Kurdistan Region have driven more and more people to take to the streets, voicing their anger and demanding change. Meanwhile, the widespread corruption that continues to plague Iraq and the Kurdistan Region has left Kurdish citizens feeling that the reform laws have failed to make any significant progress. Government measures, including salary cuts of up to 20% for regular employees and 50% for special grades, as well as the failure to reach a resolution with the federal government, have intensified the anger of the Kurdish street. The immense wealth that has flowed into the corrupt regional government, whether through legitimate or illegitimate means, has not led to the creation of a single productive, strategic industrial or agricultural project that could secure the future of the next generation. The only difference between the corrupt ruling parties in Baghdad and those in the Kurdistan Region is that in Baghdad, there are many factions competing for positions, benefits, and power, while in Kurdistan, there are only two dominant factions in control.
Kurdish society was once better prepared to adopt civil institutions, practice democracy, and respect the rule of law. However, the essence of the Kurdish party leaders—armed with power—is rooted in a tribal, feudal mentality, driven by personal and family ambitions, with little regard for principles. The widespread corruption in Kurdistan is not a foreign influence but a product of the long-standing feudal system, where the Agha (tribal chiefs) held power, passed it down to their children, and were never held accountable. The power of the Aghas in the Badinan region during the 1950s and 1960s stands as a testament to this lawless rule. These Aghas were infamous as criminal gangs for over a century. Today’s political leaders are the sons and grandsons of those same Aghas. They have adapted their nationalism to preserve their privileges and interests, which are no longer sustainable under the outdated feudal system. As a result, they have donned the mantle of Kurdish nationalism and the dream of a Kurdish state to protect their power. Many of these leaders were once mercenaries for Saddam Hussein and complicit in his crimes against the Kurdish people. They are the beneficiaries of corruption and are opposed to any attempts to change the status quo.
What is happening today in Kurdistan is the result of a system that has long carried the seeds of its own destruction. It is a backward, feudal system clothed in a decaying capitalist disguise, unable to manage the affairs of a small village, let alone a modern region. While central and southern Iraq have suffered from widespread corruption over the past 17 years, Kurdistan has an even more deeply entrenched system of corruption, despite having been freed from Saddam Hussein’s rule 12 years earlier. However, at its core, it has replicated the same system with all its fatal flaws: wealth for the rulers and repression for the ruled. Kurdistan has become a republic of security forces, not a federal Kurdish region within Iraq.