It’s a spectacle that is both tragic and farcical—the ongoing corruption and moral decay among Iraqi political parties and their Iranian-backed militias. The damage they’ve inflicted on the country, with their roots steeped in the poisonous influence of Tehran, is not only alarming but also emblematic of the persistent failure of Iraq’s leadership to bring meaningful reform. These corrupt figures, who feed off the teats of a regressive and oppressive regime in Iran, have exported this moral bankruptcy to Iraq and the region, laying the groundwork for a deeper and more insidious corruption than most care to acknowledge.
It all began with the recent conviction of a member of the Iraqi Parliament, Mahmoud Mulla Talal, who was sentenced to six years in prison for accepting a bribe. The ruling, issued by a Baghdad criminal court, led the Wisdom Movement—headed by the Shiite cleric Ammar al-Hakim, to issue a statement casting doubt on the fairness of the “judicial procedures” involved. The Integrity Commission arrested Mulla Talal last month after he was caught accepting a bribe from a company tied to the Ministry of Industry. While it is undeniable that the deputy was guilty of bribery, political analysts, such as Raad Hashem, suggest that this case serves more as a warning than a genuine effort at tackling corruption within the political class.
Mulla Talal, a prominent member of the Wisdom Movement, has long been an outspoken critic of the government. Prior to his role as a deputy, he served as the governor of Wasit, and later as a member of parliament after the 2018 elections. However, Hashem points out that this case isn’t just about one individual’s fall from grace—it’s part of a broader message to the Wisdom Movement itself, and perhaps to all those who dare to challenge the existing order in Iraq.
Hashem also explains that the political games at play here are more than just about individual corruption—this is about power struggles between the political blocs. These parties, which have controlled Iraq for over a decade, have fostered a system that thrives on cronyism, bribery, and influence-peddling. Yet, as Hashem argues, the case against Mulla Talal is a mere distraction, a token action meant to give the illusion of reform, while the real rot continues unchecked.
Indeed, when we talk about corruption in Iraq, we’re not simply talking about isolated incidents, but a culture of systemic rot that infects every layer of government. From the ministries to the provinces, the political parties are well-versed in exploiting their influence to line their own pockets. Every major political bloc in Iraq, including those led by powerful militias, has its own economic office. These offices facilitate illicit deals and manipulate contracts for personal and party gain. Meanwhile, the public suffers as they watch their resources squandered by the same people who promised them better.
One need look no further than the Asa’ib Ahl al-Haq militia, which has transformed into a political bloc called “Sadiqoon” under the leadership of Qais al-Khazali. Hashem highlights how this militia was allegedly involved in the theft of the Beiji refinery, one of the largest in the Middle East. After supposedly liberating the facility from ISIS, Asa’ib Ahl al-Haq dismantled it and sold its parts to Iran for a pittance, all while the Iraqi state remained complicit or simply too weak to intervene. Khazali himself, named by the US for human rights violations, has been able to escape accountability for these actions, leaving the public in despair over the ability of Iraq’s judicial system to tackle the scale of corruption among the militia groups.
The story doesn’t end there. According to an anonymous source from within the Iraqi government, the Khazali brothers, through their militia, seized control of oil fields in areas like Salah al-Din and Mosul, engaging in oil theft and smuggling to Iran. After the Beiji refinery was liberated, the Asa’ib Ahl al-Haq militia dismantled it and sold its parts for a fraction of their value to a trader, who in turn sold them to an international criminal syndicate. Such stories of brazen theft and abuse of power are not uncommon. They reflect a larger narrative of corruption where the state turns a blind eye to the activities of powerful militias, as they line their pockets at the country’s expense.
And yet, despite the gravity of these acts, there is a sense of impunity that surrounds these factions. The political and militia leaders, armed with power and backed by Tehran, seem to operate without fear of accountability. Even factions like the “Ataa” bloc, headed by Falih al-Fayyadh—another influential militia leader and a key figure in Iraq’s Popular Mobilization Forces—continue to operate unchecked. The Ataa bloc has monopolized positions, contracts, and deals, especially in areas like Mosul, but remains immune to the anti-corruption measures that supposedly govern Iraq.
The question that inevitably arises is: why haven’t the bigger fish—the leaders of the major political blocs, the militia heads, and those involved in large-scale corruption—been brought to justice? Why are the high-profile cases from the era of former Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki still left in the shadows? Under Maliki’s tenure, billions of dollars disappeared into fictitious projects, yet no investigations into these shady dealings have been pursued. Hashem suggests that the lack of investigations into the military deals, especially those with South Korea and Russia, that were tainted by bribery and money laundering, is part of the broader cover-up of corruption at the highest levels.
The corruption in Iraq is not just a political issue; it is an existential one. The country has fallen into a state of disrepair, with its infrastructure failing and basic services like electricity and clean water in dire need of overhaul. More than $450 billion has disappeared over the past 16 years, yet little has been done to address the systemic nature of the theft. It is no wonder that Iraq ranks 12th in global corruption indices, as the citizens of this war-torn country bear the brunt of a system that has failed them.
The challenges are overwhelming, but not insurmountable. If Iraq is ever to move beyond this morass, the political elite, including the leaders of the parties and militias, must be held accountable. This requires a judicial system that can operate independently of the pressures of powerful factions. It requires the willingness of those in power to address the corruption that has become a cancer within the body of the Iraqi state.
For now, however, the tragic comedy continues: a country drowning in corruption, with political factions exploiting their positions for personal gain, while the public remains trapped in a system that offers them nothing but empty promises.